The Story of The Sudan

The Story of The Sudan

Sunday is the beginning of the end of one of the most monumental conflicts Africa has ever experience, and Sen. John Kerry was there this week to gently help see it through.

Sen. Kerry arrived in The Sudan on Tuesday and returned home yesterday. Today Jimmy Carter arrived with his wife to monitor the election. Amazingly, there’s very little in American news about this watershed event. There’s not even anything on John Kerry’s own website. But thank goodness he and Jimmy are there.


Kerry has been pivotal in shepherding a half century struggle in southern Sudan to some peaceful conclusion, untangling the mess the British created during the colonial period. His latest carrot to the Sudanese masters in Khartoum was a stunning one: that he could support removing the north from the “States that sponsor terrorism” list if all goes well this week in the South.

There’s no doubt about the outcome of the election which begins Sunday and goes on for a week. The outcome will officially express the will of The South to secede from The North. Everyone knows this and has known it for years. Diplomats have been in training for more than a year. Western donor nations have built the rooms that the new Parliament will use. Even the neutral U.N. has a presence of presumed Peace-Keepers along the contentious potential border with the North.

The question is what happens afterwards.

The election calls for formal succession by July. But that means between now and then a number of contentious issues must be resolved that haven’t been, yet. Such as the border line. How much of Sudan’s current $36 billion dollar debt will be assumed by The South. And probably most dangerous of all, who gets the oil.

The proposed dividing line between North and South goes right through Sudan’s most productive oil fields. The irony is that they haven’t produced very well, because for nearly 50 years there’s been shooting going on. In 1981 I was myself given an offer by a giant oil company to help ransom oil workers being held hostage in the area, who were later killed in the fighting.

But as I’ve been saying for some time, I think this is going to happen, and pretty peacefully. And there is such hope in the air at the moment, that there is a nearly giddy presumption the success of next week’s election will spill over with goodness into regions like the troubled Darfur.

Sen. Kerry arrived Tuesday.

Here’s an extremely simplified time line of the history of Sudan:

The British annexed The Sudan in 1899. They didn’t really want to because it was considered a desert wasteland, which it looked at the time. But The Nile runs right through the country, and Britain was in a contentious and globally sensitive battle with France over control of Egypt. So with reluctance and little real interest the outposts along the Nile raised Her Majesty’s flags.

Seventeen years later in 1916 with World War I as a backdrop the massive Sultanate of Darfur was absorbed by the British into the hodgepodge of what they called The Sudan. This was a terrible mistake which prevails until today. Darfur was a kingdom relatively progressive by the standards of those days, and distinctly non-Muslim. This defined a religious battle that until then simply hadn’t existed.

The British had almost two decades of training Sudanese in Muslim Khartoum as government officials, and as they wrongly did everywhere, they sent into foreign lands the officials they trained in the African capital city. In Kenya, they sent Kikuyu to Luo. In The Sudan, they sent fanatic Muslims into animistic regions like Darfur. That mistake is still bleeding.

The next generation was relatively peaceful. The colonizers of Africa I believe actually did their best work as “colonizers” in the period of 1920-1940. In part this was because of an enormous emphasis on education, but also in part because of the troubled world economies that resulted in a sort of benign interest in things overseas. World War II changed all that.

The end of WWII left a crippled Britain on the world stage, bankrupt and exhausted. Winston Churchill said it was time to end the colonial era. Not much had happened in the colonies over the last 20 years and there was not much hope anything could. The exit from the era of colonialism was a pragmatic, not a moral one. Independence would save money.

And this driving western motivation, saving money, is a theme that has caused so much havoc in Africa. Just collect as many jobs as you possibly can afford and give them as large a responsibility as possible. Forget the hodgepodge of eons of cultures and societies that you’re instantly integrating: just do it, be done with it, and get out.

This was otherwise known as the Juba Conference.

Britain had essentially neglected all of The Sudan for a half century. Now it was giving it eight years to reach Independence, a collection of tribes, more than 200 language groups, and viciously antagonistic religions. This wasn’t oil and water, it was refined uranium and explosions of the sun.

Independence was set for 1956. Imagine the millennia of battles between gallant horse-riding knights and primitive tribes over Sharia, Jesus Christ, palm nuts and women, between 200 groups of people who understood nothing about one another except the length of each other’s spears. They were in 8 short years to create a modern nation, with … a single leader.

War broke out in The South in 1955.

The South which lies over the rich agricultural regions of Uganda was populated by non-Muslim tribes from the Lake Victoria region, the same groups of people who would form the country of Uganda in 1963. In fact, that was what they were fighting for in the beginning, to become a part of Uganda, not of The Sudan.

The Sudan was independent according to British prescription for all of two years: 1956 and 1957. The country was being torn asunder. A military coup in 1958 held it together. All vestiges of British idealism about self-government were gone.

In 1962 as Uganda was about to achieve independence, military leaders of the south declared their own country, South Sudan. The world took no notice. I can imagine JFK looking towards Cuba and finding a second to ask his ambassador to Britain how things were going in the former colonials and not listening to an answer that never came.

Britain didn’t like these upstarts disturbing its jet age plans for African independence. No, Britain said to The South, you can’t join Uganda.

And for that matter, Uganda wasn’t really interested, either. No one knew about the oil, yet.

In Khartoum in the North, one military coup after another essentially destroyed the place until a real strongman, Gaafar Mohamed El-Nimeiri, started a holocaust in 1969 of the most brutal and extreme ever known in this part of Africa. When the dust settled (it took two years), Nimeiri was firmly in control and terrified the world.

But he was pragmatic. He wanted to get rid of the distant war in The South, so in 1972 in Addis Ababa, he signed a Peace Agreement with southern rebels that ended the fighting for nearly a decade, giving them autonomous control of their region.

Things might have stayed that way. Except for one unexpected development.

OIL. 1978.

Chevron began building rigs throughout the Sudd region that exactly today will divide the North and South. It’s a swampy, ridiculously hot, horribly unnice area for human beings. Except for a few areas where nomadic tribes did herd hoofed stock, it was a wasteland. But, of course, no more.

For five years Chevron pumped more and more oil out of the region, paying royalties usually to warlords rather than any established government officials. Niemeri watched millions of dollars creeping away.

Most of these bucks crept south, admittedly. They strengthened the “autonomous region” of the south by, well, providing guns. Oil companies have a way of doing this.

Niemeri was now a dictator growing a heart. The Cold War wasn’t over, but it was cooling. He was growing more acceptable to the West. In a move that at the time meant nothing to the west, he declared Sharia law the law of the land, and this essentially empowered him even further. In 1983 he sent troops into the Judd to secure the oil fields.

All hell broke lose.

And the South prevailed. The north lost the battle. And Niemeri was deposed and killed by fellow officers in 1986. After a few insignificant military coups later, the current president, Omar al-Bashir comes to power in 1993.

The battle rages on in The South. The North grows indebted having lost its Cold War patrons. War has now been going on for nearly 50 years. In 1998 Bill Clinton sends a missile into Khartoum and blows up a factory he claimed was making terrorists’ weapons.

The North is further weakened. Lots of leaders are killed and jailed, but Bashir survives another coup and emerges as a peace-maker in 1999, pledging to end the horrible travail Sudanese in The North have experienced for generations.

In 2002 he signs a peace deal with the South. Rebels in Darfur begin fighting, emboldened by Bashir’s apparent concessions in The South. The North is further weakened as it tries desperately to manage the growing war in Darfur.

In 2005 Bashir and John Sarang of The South sign a comprehensive understanding that would lead to an election for succession the second week of January, 2011.

Govt Shoots, People Listen, Part II

Govt Shoots, People Listen, Part II

Fiance of opposition candidate, Wilbrod Slaa, challenges police in Arusha.
It happened all too quickly. Tanzania’s second largest city erupted in violence Wednesday, three people killed and scores injured. The push for democracy and transparency in Tanzania has exploded faster than even I expected.

See my blog of only three days ago.

Right now Arusha is calm. EWT, in fact, had clients who were in the town today. But the situation remains tense, and the government of Tanzania is acting only in ways that will make it worse.

The Tanzanian government is trying to suppress all news about the affair. Click here for a manual link to YouTube about the demonstration. The reporter, who I can’t identify and doesn’t want to be identified, has requested that YouTube remove all embedding code that would allow it to be dispersed more easily through blogs like these.

The video captures much of the chaos over most of Wednesday afternoon. It has a clip of the fiance of defeated opposition presidential candidate Wilbrod Slaa, her face bloodied.

The violence began when federal police used tear gas on a rally called to criticize the current government.

The initial battle with tear gas occurred at a large open field where Chadema’s rally (the opposition party) was just starting.

A large anti-riot police vehicle equipped with its tear-gas throwers disturbed the crowd, who had assembled with a police permit. The police claimed the vehicle was there to prevent marchers who were arriving from the central city to join the rally, because while police had granted a permit for the rally, they had denied a permit for the march to the rally.

“Police keep away, this is an official meeting and we have permission to gather here,” shouted Wilbrod Slaa, the defeated Chadema candidate for president of Tanzania who was at the time addressing the rally.

As marchers appeared, the tear gas went off and chaos errupted. Police arrested a number of the leaders in the front of the march, including Godbless Lema, the wildly popular and newly elected MP from Arusha, and (opposition party) Chadema chairman Freeman Mbowe.

As the two high profile politicians were being driven away with 47 others arrested, the crowd exploded: scores of people raced towards the police vehicle throwing rocks. The police responded with more tear gas.

Crowds then formed throughout the city trying to converge on the police station, where it was presumed the leaders were being held. Police used live ammunition against the crowd, there, and the afternoon became one of continuous pitched battles throughout the city between police and demonstrators.

Police confirmed 2 dead and 9 injured but area hospitals suggested 3 dead and injured closer to 100.

Arusha opposition MP Lema is a rebel rouser, and this is not his first brush with the law. He has been in jail twice before during his campaign for Parliament, which he won in the national election the end of November.

The specific issue that ignited yesterday’s violence was a federal government move over the weekend that stacked the Arusha city council with government supporters allowed to vote for mayor, but who did not actually reside in the city.

The real city councilors had boycotted the meeting and claim, therefore, that there was not a quorum sufficient to elect a mayor. But the government ordered the election to continue, and the result is that at least officially, Arusha now has a mayor allied to the government ruling party, a mayor overlording a city that is hugely in the opposition’s camp.

This does not happy days make.

But there were other issues to be discussed at the rally which was never completed: that the presidential election last November was unfair, that the government is corrupt, and a host of lingering accusations that during the November national election campaign the government suppressed all opposition.

I’m not sure how far this is going to go. The opposition in Arusha is incredibly strong and has support from several other larger communities in northern Tanzania like Karatu. But other important areas in northern Tanzania like Moshi, Monduli and Mto-wa-Mbu are firmly on the government’s side.

The blogosphere is cautious, I fear worried that the government is looking over their shoulders. There are numerous references to what has happened in Arusha is like Tiananmen Square, protests in Berlin before the wall went down, and demonstrations in Kenya that led to more transparent government.

Without doubt the police acted wrongly. It remains to be seen if they acted on their own, or are following in lock-step the darkening oligarchy in Dar.

Get a Life, you Dupe!

Get a Life, you Dupe!

You can no longer buy a ticket on American Airlines through Expedia or Orbitz. Said another way: the big guys are fighting for your money and it doesn’t matter a hoot.

American Airlines is the U.S.’ second largest airline and the world’s third. After the completed merger of United and Continental later this year, it will drop another notch. Don’t lose any sleep over this.

Expedia and Orbitz currently account for about a quarter of all airline bookings made by U.S. travelers. After American’s move this week, that could drop at least temporarily by about half.

And what will happen to your air fares?

They’ll go up.

And what would have happened to your air fares if all of this hadn’t happened?

They’ll go up.

And what will happen if they resolve this, as they certainly will?

Fares will go up.

And how much more or less will fares have gone up depending upon when its resolved or not?

0.

So what’s happening? What’s happening is that Expedia is trying to screw you more than American already has.

The high and mighty morality with which both sides in this Big Guy Fight have evoked is disgusting. Both sides, of course, claim that consumers are the losers and because of the other side. That they are championing competition. This is such balderdash.

Americans (not the airline, but the organic ones) are basically idiots when it comes to buying their airline tickets. They are suckers of the highest standard. Duped by hidden fees and outright fraudulent advertising, they will spend hours on their computer to glean $10 off a $150 fare.

That is not competition in action, it is obsessive-compulsive behavior.

And the winners in this insanity are the airlines and brokers like Expedia who realized that paranoid-driven consumers could be duped by internet games. American spokesman Ryan Mikolasik told the New York Daily News that the impoverished multinational is losing “several hundred million dollars a year” in fees paid online services like Expedia.

In 2010 the total profit earned by U.S. airlines will exceed $7.7 billion.

That is several hundred million dollars that isn’t being used for fuel, maintaining aircraft, salaries, amortizing loans or advertising, research and development, and it certainly isn’t being used for coffee or tea.

That is SEVERAL HUNDRED MILLION DOLLARS more than flying is worth. But don’t think that if American is successful, that you’re going to get a refund!

American Airlines alone is projected to earn over $400 million. That’s AFTER on-line fees.

Before this tiff Expedia controlled nearly a quarter of the ticket purchase market in the United States. That does not foster competition. Whenever any entity controls that large a segment of such a vital commercial market, competition is stymied not enhanced.

Capitalist principles in the purchase of airline seats were doomed when Jimmy Carter started the process of airline deregulation in the 1980s. That was the mistake that American society made, removing government oversight from a vital service so essential for every day life.

So it’s now chaos, with the Big Guys fighting over who is going to be able to screw us the most. And by the way, it can also flip over and screw the airlines and their employees royally, too. As happened with all the airline bankruptcies.

And I hesitate to point out that more and more mechanical problems are happening, because government oversight in that critical area is also wanting.

So don’t choose sides on this one, dear consumer. It won’t matter a hoot. And for god’s sake, don’t waste your time finding a ten percent deal from New York to Chicago by flying via Houston. You’re killing yourself, shortening your vacation, wasting your resources and foolishly increasing the number of miles flown.

It boils my blood, which I wish they were capable of doing with coffee on short-haul flights, which as you know, they don’t even do that, anymore.

Government Shoots, People Listen

Government Shoots, People Listen

From IPP Media. The Government suppressed most photos.
It was a brutal New Years in Tanzania. Courageous protesters started to lay the country’s Road to Democracy but were bulldozed down. This Road is as full of pitfalls as the proposed road in the Serengeti, but this one’s got to be built!

Tanzania’s main city of Dar-es-Salaam – normally in structured chaos with millions of people bustling through overcrowded bus depots and through congested city streets – resembled a ghost town last Tuesday following a repressive response by police to a little demonstration calling for a new constitution.

Shops were shuddered. Streets were empty.

Several hundred activists had decided to ignore a police order banning their demonstration from submitting a new draft constitution to the Justice Minister. The group was hardly larger than a crowded bus stop. But the government responded with enough police, tear gas and even live ammunition to rival the anti-defense missile system that one of its last Prime Ministers tried to buy.

So the demonstration was immediately scattered. But courageous protesters then led police on a cat-and-mouse chase through the city as multiple individuals running in different directions pretended to be the ones with the actual “document” they were trying to deliver.

A draft of a new constitution. Which, presumably, allows peaceful protest.

The air cleared, the tear gas dispersed and the weekend was lazy as normally would be the case on New Years. Except in a complete reversal that made the demonstration seem successful, Tanzania’s president over the weekend agreed to form a commission to review the constitution.

Jakaya Kikwete didn’t say so himself, and that was a mistake. He let an important don of the University of Dar-es-Salaam make the announcement. Dr. Benson Bana said Kikwete had asked him to form a committee to start the process.

It’s all so absurd, frightening and enlightening. Why make the decision, and then relegate it such little importance and issue the announcement during the New Years’ weekend?

Because (1) you have no intention of following through, or (2) the movement is growing so powerful you’re trying to defuse it?

Tanzania has always had a much more authoritarian government than its sister, Kenya, ever since at Independence it fell firmly into the eastern “communist” camp. That was reformed considerably in 1986-1988, but the same political party has remained in control nonetheless.

Politically, (i.e., in their respective original constitutions) there couldn’t be two more different countries than Kenya and Tanzania. Yet for the last generation daily life has been very similar.

I find the greatest difference in education. Tanzanians as a whole are better educated than Kenyans, a result of Tanzania’s historical attention to education, but there are many more very highly educated Kenyans than Tanzanians a result of being able to pay for the Ivy usually abroad.

And that means that Tanzanians are much less tribal than in Kenya, one of the real pitfalls of many African societies trying to emerge into the modern world.

There is much less economic class stratification in Tanzania than Kenya. But as seems to have been proved in history, that produced less wealth overall. There are many, many more rich Kenyans than Tanzanians. (And also, correspondingly, many more very poor Kenyans than Tanzanians.)

Tanzania’s election the end of November was declared fair and free by most outside observers, so the issue is less how democratic this single election was than the way elections as a whole are handled.

It would be unthinkable, for example, if the Kenyan government banned broadcasting political debate between candidates as is the case in Tanzania. In fact, the ruling party in Tanzania even banned its candidates from participating in debates at all – whether they were broadcast or not!

It is, in a nutshell, an excellent example of the difference between a more socialist and a more capitalist society.

And now after a generation or so, the more educated (Tanzanians) know better that they are less rich than some of the less educated neighbors (Kenyans).

So Tanzanians are split right down the spine of morality. The proactive middle class demonstrating Tuesday wants more wealth and believes the way is through more democracy. The plutocracy argues that unshackling society to increase wealth also will increase poverty, or at least the gap between the rich and the poor.

Both are right. But who has the purer motivations?

A policeman firing on an unarmed demonstrator is the answer. One believes in his heart. The other believes in his gun.

*****************************************
Here’s the time line since the end of November election:

Several days before Tanzania’s election in November, the Minister for Constitutional Affairs and Justice Ms Celina Kombani declared the government would not consider altering the constitution.

A day or so later, the newly elected MP from from Arusha, young Godbless Lema, told cheering supporters that a new constitution was needed to “liberate all of us. Otherwise, we will continue guarding our votes at polling stations during each election.”

The next day, December 9, Tanzania’s Chief Justice, Augustino Ramadhani, applauded Lema’s statement and urged the government to consider a new constitution. (Here’s a great irony. Ramadhani made the statement in a speech at the Russian Cultural Center!)

The ball was rolling.

A week later, the government nodded a very little bit. Too many newly elected MPs, even from its own party, were talking about a “new constitution like Kenya.”

Reversing Kombani’s November 28 pronouncement against any new constitution, a high government official, John Tendwa, told a forum in Dar on December 14 that calls for a new constitution were legitimate.

Four days later it reached to the very top.

On December 18, Tanzania’s newly appointed Prime Minister, Mizengo Pinda, said the government should look into revising the constitution. This was major. The PM is the probably the second-most important man in the government.

But still Kikwete didn’t chime in.

On December 23, steel reeling from a separate election in Zanzibar from which they felt denied real representation, the Muslim organizations in Tanzania came out very strongly in support of Pinda’s statement.

A week ago, the main opposition in Parliament – still small but growing – also called for a constitutional review.

The next day, Tuesday, a ridiculously large police force brutally dispersed several hundred demonstrators.

A few days later, bubbly still effervescing, Kikwete tells a university professor to form a committee to look into the matter.

This is not strong leadership. It’s a wimp wondering where to go.

I see no choice. Tanzania is falling way behind Kenya in all areas: economy, tourism, and perhaps now, even education. Its archaic form of government is stifling the manifestations of its successful process of educating its population.

Tuesday’s demonstration is a sign. Ignore it and the country will head right off the cliff.

Year-end Roundup and Predictions

Year-end Roundup and Predictions

When you’re sick inside, the outside looks terrible: 2010 was a year of striking differences between surging Kenya and its backward neighbors. 2011 will be the same.

Socially, culturally and politically, it was a GREAT YEAR for Kenya but a BAD YEAR for its neighbors.

Kenya grew fast, started to implement a radical new constitution, improved tourism even while increasing tourist rates, and deftly participated in major global controversies like the CITES attempt to allow selling ivory and the run-up to the South Sudan election.

But the other countries in East Africa? Terrible. Socially and politically Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda all took huge steps backwards. Contested or ramrodded elections, scandals of unbelievable corruption, and horrendous attempts to extinguish moves to improve human rights gave this part of East Africa a 20th century dictatorial look.

And the actual bombings in Kampala that killed more than 70 people almost suggest that when your internal body isn’t doing so well, you’re going to be nicked by the viruses from the outside.

For many years Tanzania’s tourism was inching up on Kenya’s, outpacing both growth and development. Last year that was reversed, and one can only suppose that tourism is sinking with the overall quicksand felt throughout the country.

It was a BAD YEAR for wilderness and wildlife. The “mini-drought” is now two years behind us, and so almost anything looks good in comparison, but there were two horrendous trends appearing throughout East Africa last year:

Poaching and Politics.

There’s always been poaching, but nothing like the corporate poaching that successfully kills and transports out of private, fenced and patrolled reserves a black rhino. That happened in both Kenya and South Africa. And in Tanzania, the Serengeti lost 20% of its wild rhinos (1 of 5, that until now were patrolled like a child in a perambulator with the Nanny’s grip fastened.)

And Tanzania in its drive to become Africa’s newest pariah first spearheaded a campaign to reverse CITES sanctions on selling ivory, and then announced it was going to kill the wildebeest migration with a road.

In Uganda, Father Museveni gave the nod to start hunting, again, and let South Africans develop the hunting of the rare sitantunga, even as its wildlife count declines.

And there’s nearly as bad a flipside to this wildlife story: where poaching and politics aren’t screwing things up, elephants are. The population explosion is eroding the population’s confidence everywhere that governments can keep the jumbo out of the farm.

It just doesn’t look good for wildlife in this turbulent and developing era in East Africa.

It’s hard to imagine 2011 can be as bad. And at the risk of jinxing the whole kebab but being true to end-of-year stock taking, I’m going to predict the Serengeti highway won’t happen, at least not completely as planned. And if we can get at least that victory, I guess the battle continues with some hope.

And with that my marker for WILDLIFE below moves from bad to good.

Strictly economically, Kenya is in the stratosphere, leaving its neighbors way behind. Now a lot of this is foreign donors nudging the county towards implementing the new constitution, so you would normally expect that to end next year. But next year is one year before the next election, and it was the last election when everything fell apart, so I feel this outside stimulus is going to continue. And then, there’s China, flooding Kenya with infrastructure money as if it’s taken a page out of Obama 2.0.

Elsewhere in East Africa, including Tanzania and despite recent fossil fuel discoveries, things don’t look so rosy. Tanzania’s debt is massive, Rwanda’s long flirtation with foreign aid is about over, and Uganda is so mired in bad bookkeeping we can only presume the worst.

I’m afraid that 2011 will be worse for Kenya’s neighbors and probably the same for near inebriated Kenya.

Here’s my summary for what it was and what it will be:




East Africa Report200920102011
SOCIETY
Kenya
The Rest

Good
Bad

Good
Bad

Good
Bad
WILDLIFEBadBadGood
WEATHERBadGoodGood
TOURISM
Kenya
The Rest

Bad
Bad

Good
Bad

Good
Bad
ECONOMY
Kenya
The Rest

Bad
Bad

Good
Bad

Good
Bad
Predictions are just that, based on the here and now. If Tanzania can move swiftly to its own new constitution, if Father Museveni steps down, if Karume disappears and is replaced by a coalition-building young person, then societies throughout East Africa will improve.

And with the society, so will the economy.