Linguistic Source Code

Linguistic Source Code

By Conor Godgrey on April 29, 2011
An article recently published in the journal Science on linguistic diversity echoes an earlier article about the decline of native languages in South Africa.

Linguists had long since decided that searching for a root ancestral language, the mother of all languages if you will, was either ridiculous or moot.

Until now.

Renowned linguist Dr. Quentin D. Atkinson applied techniques usually reserved for studying genetics to the study of language.

Migration from Africa
His theory goes something like this: it is well documented that genetic diversity decreased as human beings moved further from the African continent.

This occurred because small (genetically more similar) sub groups would break off of the main thrust of the various migrations and settle a specific area.

Dr. Quentin posited that language might have experienced a similar homogenization as languages traveled further and further from Africa.

He did not measure this using words, but phonemes, the basic building blocks of language.

A phoneme is the “smallest segmental unit of sound employed to form meaningful contrasts between utterances.”

In other words, the basic sounds that make up more complicated utterances like syllables and words.

It turns out that linguistic diversity, as determined by the number of phonemes, does indeed decline in relation to how far a language developed from Africa.

The New York Times cited several examples from the full study: “Some of the click-using languages of Africa have more than 100 phonemes, whereas Hawaiian, toward the far end of the human migration route out of Africa, has only 13. English has about 45 phonemes.”

Fascinating stuff.

Now 50,000 years later, the genetic offspring of those migrating ancestors have released the phoneme-inferior but immensely powerful English language to homogenize the source language(s)!

As noted in the Economist article, native (an incredibly relative term) South African languages are jeopardized by the ubiquity and power of English (mother tongue for 8% of South Africans).

Zulu Lesson
Khosian and Bantu languages alike are unlikely to survive as the mother tongue of most South Africans in six or seven generations unless the government acts on its rhetoric and takes steps to enforce their use in schools.

I am unsure this is even a good idea.

It would only work in incredibly homogenous parts of South Africa, and there is no denying that English offers more economic advantages than Zulu or Khosa—who is the government to tell people that they cannot educate their children in the most economically favorable conditions possible?

For me, thinking about Africa as a “source” is incredibly inspiring; but modern adults should not be saddled with the burden of protecting the source code while missing out on real-life opportunities.

Why the Chinese Succeed in Africa

Why the Chinese Succeed in Africa

By Conor Godfrey on April 28, 2011
If you are worried that your event on some esoteric aspect of policy will not draw a big enough crowd, just add some combination of “China,” “Threat,” “Rise,” “Beijing consensus,” “US,” and/or “Decline” to the title, and the number of RSVPs is guaranteed to skyrocket.

I have recently attended a number of meetings on Sino-African relations, and the fear is palpable among US policy makers and business people.

I just came out of one particularly good talk and thought I would share a few of the speakers’ insights mingled with some of my own.

This most recent speaker spoke very articulately about the “Angolan Model” of Chinese investment that has been replicated around the continent.

Essentially, the Angolans tell the Chinese that they want to build the following 25 roads, 10 bridges, 3 ministry buildings, refurbish a railway, build a basketball stadium, and deepen the port.

The Chinese say—“Good choices—infrastructure was key to our development as well– and while we’re talking about this, we have Chinese companies that can build every one of those projects for you, and can build them cheaper than any other international bidder.”

China continues…”So here is the deal—our companies will build all those projects before your next election cycle, we’ll do it cheaper than anyone else, and you can simply pay for it over time by shipping us oil at market prices.”

For Angola and China, it is a win-win-win-win. Angolan citizens get roads, Angolan politicians get to take credit for them, Chinese companies make money, and China gets a reliable supply of vital oil.

Wen-Jiabao, Premier of China, embraces a local Ghana chief
This works well if your country has an immensely desirable commodity such as oil, copper, or cobalt with which to pay down your debt, but not so much if you need to pay back $2.5 billion in loans using tea, coffee, or sesame seeds (cough cough Ethiopia).

That being said—Ethiopia doesn’t seem to mind.

This speaker pointed to a recent interview with an Ethiopian minister who raved about Chinese investment.

The minister claimed that whenever there was a problem with the work Chinese companies were doing, he would just summon the ambassador and point out the problem.

The Chinese ambassador would salute, and within a short period of time, the problem would be fixed.

When he called on a Russian, European, or U.S. politician to solicit help in regulating a commercial dispute, the problem would be tied up in court for months if not years.

All Roads lead to China
How do you compete with that?

Also, are Bechtel executives willing to stay in sub-par accommodations, away from their families for months at a time, working on a project somewhere in rural Africa?

Will other U.S. construction or engineering firms accept the 5 or 6% margin on an African project necessary to compete, as opposed to the higher margins that they are used to in North America?

The US and other donors have pumped a massive amount of money into African relief and development over the last fifty years, and some of the results (around HIV/AIDS in particular) have been astounding.

But the Chinese, and also the Indians, Brazilians, and even the South Koreans, understand the African operating environment in a way that Western decision makers simply do not get and I don’t think ever will.

It has been too long since we were a developing country.

King Mswati III

King Mswati III

By Conor Godfrey on April 27, 2011
The worst ruler on earth gets a classy invite.

Up until yesterday, I had successfully avoided learning anything about the royal wedding in Great Britain.

(Full disclosure—I once argued at a family dinner with several small children present that we needed to overthrow the princess culture that dominated the minds of our young women at an early age—I may be an outlier.)

I failed because the royal wedding sneaked in the back door—through Africa.

King Mswati III of Swaziland

It turns out that King Mswati III of Swaziland has received an invitation, and will be attending the show with 50 of his closest friends.

It’s a little bit like a reward for being the worst ruler on the planet.

King Mswati III has an impressive record…other would-be governing catastrophes would do well to study his techniques.

Let’s have a look at King Mswati’s resume:
1. Swaziland has the highest AIDS rate in the world
2. 50% of adults in their 20’s have HIV
3. Life expectancy is 32 years
4. 60% of people live on $1.25 or less a day

Money is not so much a problem though—all 51 members of the royal entourage will be sleeping at the Dorchester Hotel for about 500 pounds per night during the wedding festivities.

King Mswati III in England

King Mswati’s personal fortune (estimated at more than 70 million Euros) is also put to good use beating and jailing protestors.

Labor unions, teachers, and the country’s president have all been targets during the recent unrest.

This makes me angry enough to go through the futile effort of finding someone to blame (besides Mswati III himself of course).

First—South Africa and the other members of the Southern African Development Community.

If governments continue to hide behind pan-African solidarity to avoid cleaning house, then a few bad apples like King Mswati III are going to make pan-African-ness synonymous with rotten.

South Africans are great with political cartoons—here is one that describes how I feel about Zuma’s mediation efforts.

The next culprit is unfortunately colonialism.

As you know, the colonial powers did not have near enough people to rule the colonies directly.

They were forced to empower local power brokers and co-opt traditional checks and balances on tribal authority.

This created a class of rapacious local elites who became the oppressors, conscriptors, and tax collectors on behalf of their colonial masters.

Swaziland was in the British colonial orbit for almost all of the colonial period, excluding a brief period when South Africa administered Swazi affairs.

Eventually, the British claimed Swaziland as a autonomous protectorate, and thus empowered the local autocrats to maintain the status quo.

As in most now independent African countries, once the pressure mounted, Britain fled Swaziland in disarray and left radical parties to take control.

In the 1970s, after a sweeping “electoral” victory, King Sobhuza disbanded the democracy that had haphazardly come into being in 1968.

The ‘electoral’ interlude emasculated traditional checks and balances, and the restored monarchy had more power than their royal ancestors would have dreamed of!

None of this really matters though, and I do not pretend to have a perfect understanding of the nuances of Swaziland’s colonial experience.

At present, the problem is that King Mswati III is quite possibly the worst national ruler on the planet, and I think that the country seems too small and insignificant for anyone to do anything about it.

Fela!

Fela!

Fela
By Conor Godfrey on April 25, 2011

Before we talk about Fela! I feel like its only right that you put on some music from the larger-than-life band leader Fela Anikulapo Kuti.

If you don’t like that—try “Water Don’t Get No Enemy.”

On April 21st, the musical “Fela!” brought the Lagos crowd to tears during the debut Nigerian performance of this headline grabbing and phenomenally reviewed Broadway hit.

Here is a sampling of reviews from the New York Times, Chicago Tribune, and the Associated Press.

After a two year run in New York on Broadway Fela!, will become the first Broadway show to be performed in Sub-Saharan Africa.

This is one of the thousands of little signs that Africa is emerging on the U.S. radar like never before.

Fela Kuti was a bonified international mega-star for almost three decades, but was of course unknown to a Broadway crowd “where theatergoers’ idea of African music might begin and end with “The Lion King.” (New York Times)

Fela Kuti defined Afrobeat for an entire generation of musicians.

As for Fela’s musical genealogy, commentators have posited influences as diverse as Coltrane and Calypso, Sinatra, Ghanaian High-life Jazz, and native Nigerian Yoruba rhythms.

The main Fela! webpage lets you listen to a long list of songs performed for the show for free.

The real Fela Kuti was not simply a celebrity—the impression I get from reading about him and speaking to Nigerians is that Fela existed on a different scale—he proclaimed an autonomous republic in his club, he married 27 woman, he smoked and drank prodigiously, and he railed against the arbitrary and oftentimes brutal Nigerian dictatorships that had cowed most of the country—everything was in excess.

Whether you loved him for his brash unorthodoxy, or hated him for challenging the moral majority—you did so with a passion.

I do not have space here, but you should read this short biography of Fela to understand a bit more about the man himself and the passions he aroused.

He certainly aroused the passions of Muhammadu Buhari—the military dictator who beat, jailed and otherwise victimized Kuti, and who is now protesting the present election in the North.

Fela Kuti believed his primary goal was to resist European cultural imperialism. In this way, he echoed his contemporary larger-than-life star Bob Marley.

Pursing this mission, he blasted everyone and everything—he hated capitalist greed, and communist autocracy.

He hated the moral conformity of Arab-Islamic or Judeo-Christian values.

He hated corrupt African elites that imitated Europeans and undermined African values.

He even hated tribalism and traditional African social mores that he found constricting.

His remedy— a modern set of African values, taking some wisdom from the past, but mainly looking toward the future.

I love the fact that this extraordinary person finally washed ashore on Broadway, and get a bit of an emotional tug when I think of a sold out crowd in Lagos getting the chance to love or hate Fela Kuti one more time.

In some ways, Fela! allows the late great Fela Kuti to reach from beyond the grave and help the continent he loved engage the modern world on its own terms.

“Shoot the Boer” is Hate Speech–Period

“Shoot the Boer” is Hate Speech–Period

By Conor Godfrey on April 22, 2011

Julius Malema

Julius Malema took the stand for the last time in Johannesburg today.

It has been the most colorful of trials.

Most days it seemed more like a star-studded South African concert than a trial, as cabinet members, poets, and even the controversial Winnie Mandela have all paraded through the halls of justice.

Winnie Mandela

At issue is ANC Youth League President Julius Malema’s refusal to stop singing “Dubul’ Ibhun” (isiZulu for “Kill the Boer”…depending on whom you ask, the name could also be “Ayesab’ Amagwala or “Cowards are Scared”).

Here are the first couple lines:
“yasab’ amagwala (the cowards are scared)
dubula dubula (shoot shoot)
ayeah
dubula dubula (shoot shoot )
ayasab ‘a magwala (the cowards are scared)
dubula dubula” (shoot shoot)

An Afrikaner interest group had the audacity to suggest that Malema’s repetition of “Shoot the Boer,” or “One Settler, One Bullet” constituted hate speech, or an incitement to violence.

How could they possibly have got that impression?

If a bunch of former Black Panthers staged a rally in Time Square and began singing—“One Bullet for Every WASP!,” or “Shoot the White Capitalists!,”–how would people react here in the US?

I imagine not to well. But maybe that is not the right analogy.

Malema and his star-studded defenders argue that the song is a part of history, a testament to the struggle if you will.

They claim that the lyrics are proverbial—aimed at the system of oppression as opposed to individual South Africans of European descent.

This argument is too pedantic for South African realities.

Racial violence is not a long forgotten moment in history.

It happened yesterday, and the day before, and on a massive scale, just two decades back.

In France, the national anthem (La Marseillaise) is a violent, bloody affair:

To arms, citizens! Form your battalions, let’s march, let’s march! Let impure blood Water our furrows!

But people are not arming themselves after hearing it sung at a football match and then going in search of the nearest wealthy people.

It also turns out that “Shoot the Boer” was not even an integral part of the struggle.

Some members of the Pan African Congress (PAC) sang the song in the 90’s, but it was never one of the rousing struggle anthems that Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation- armed wing of the ANC) heavy-weights like Ronnie Kasrils, Baleka Mbete and Pallo Jordan helped compile into a definitive album of struggle songs.

See here for a list of the 25 songs on this Album.

Malema is loose cannon and his mere presence ratchets up racial tension: if the court rules that the speech is protected by South Africa’s wonderfully liberal constitution, than the ANC should clean its own house.

The ANC is a big tent, with room for almost everyone—but not racists.

La Francophonie

La Francophonie

By Conor Godfrey on April 21, 2011

Today was the final day of a festival for La Francophonie in Washington, DC.

Story tellers-book signings-movies-wine- food-you get the idea.

La nuit du Conte, or story telling night, was especially good.

I enjoyed several of the events, but my time in West Africa made me struggle with the entire concept
of la Francophonie.

I mean—why celebrate shared pain? Was France not the colonizer, the unlawful, insensible oppressor?

In theory, la Francophonie refers to communities all over the world united by the use of the French language (either in the home, or politics, or school, or commerce, etc..), and further, posits a sense of shared identity based on language and other cultural traits.

La Francophonie

I have been to a number of far flung parts of la Francophonie—several countries in French speaking West Africa, Cambodia, Montreal, and France, and through work I have met Cajuns and Burundians, Belgians and Swiss, and several other Francophones to boot, and it is 100% true that speaking French binds these communities together on a level that exceeds simply ease of communication.

For whatever reason, I bond with people from Togo or Burkina far faster than people from Ghana or Nigeria even if the French speaking Togolease and/or Burkinabe converse fluently in English.

However, the notion of La Francophonie makes West Africans schizophrenic.

The same educated Guineans or Senegalese who berate the French every chance they get for interfering in West African politics, or for the crappy job they did colonizing West Africa, also place tremendous stock in their personal ability to speak the French ‘de Moliere’.

The wealthy send their children to France to be educated, and congregate at France-Afrique cultural events.

What about the rest of la Francophonie?

What do older Cambodians and Haitians have in common?

What do Cajuns from New Orleans share with Belgians?

Or Burundians with Caribbean islanders?

I ‘m tempted to say nothing, except that I have seen the magic of the French language work time and time again.

I can’t bring myself to call la Francophonie a scar held in common, nor can I explain it as a shared memory of pain—it is more complicated than that.

From the very beginning, the French colonies understood la Francophonie differently.

Léopold Sédar Senghor (President of Senegal), Hamani Diori (President of Niger), Norodom Sihanouk (Head of State Cambodia), Jean-Marc Léger (Leading party member, Canada) all yearned to belong to the French community, even as they all struggled with their own national identities.

Seku Toure (President of Guinee) and several others staked their reputations on separating themselves form anything smacking of French-ness

Seku even banned French in schools, and attempted to teach Guinean school children in their local languages.

This of course led to a half generation of children torn between French and their mother tongue and achieving a high level in neither.

I suppose there is nothing intrinsically abnormal with celebrating shared ties even when those ties are buried in psychological wounds.

Many U.S. elites aspired to British culture long after the American Revolution ended.

I guess I was so convinced in the intrinsic value of West African cultures that I lost sight of the fact that culture is never static—societies evolve and adapt to new influences, be they good, bad or indifferent.

The fact that the French exerted tremendous influence on West African societies might simply make those tapestries richer.

When I think of the Bambara civilization in Mali, or a number of Fertile crescent or South American societies, I always think of them as being diluted by foreign (usually European) invaders, but the truth is those societies were being invaded or influenced by numerous other societies long before Europeans set foot on their shores.

La Francophone can be repossessed and re-defined by the communities that belong—it does not have to be a shared memory of subservience.

Reforme.ma

Reforme.ma

By Conor Godfrey, on April 20, 2011
Oh the internet.

Sometimes it helps homophobic crazy people find other homophobic crazy people; sometimes it organizes revolutions to topple dictators; and sometimes, just sometimes, it organizes an orderly, open debate on the challenges facing a rapidly changing society.

For the last several centuries, Morocco has been the sleepy cousin of the Arab world.

Their Arabic dialect is difficult for other Arabs to understand; their beautiful country is better known for rugs and hashish then political turmoil; and for the most part, they have mostly stayed off Al-Jazzera during the putative Arab Spring.

Well, it turns out that Moroccan internet users, of which there are 10,442,500 – 33.4% of the population, have been channeling some of their political energies into a novel website created by two Moroccans– http://www.reforme.ma/en.

On this website, Moroccans can explore the proposed constitutional changes proposed by King Mohamed VI, and comment on any of the articles of the constitution.

King Mohamed VI

ANY of the articles are up for discussion; including the first– “Morocco shall have a democratic, social and constitutional Monarchy.”

A bit of a sensitive one, that.

In fact, Moroccans have taken to online political commentary with gusto, leaving comments about article one left and right—Jeune Afrique reported that to date about 6,000 people have voted for the text of the first article , and nearly 2,000 users have voiced dissatisfaction.

I assume there is a bit of web censorship to make sure people don’t leave extreme comments, but I spent some time reading the various comments and I assure you that the debate is real, and the exchange of ideas meaningful.

When Morocco has made the news for public protests. the demonstrators have been fewer in number, peaceful, and full of better-than-average poster slogans such as “No to the Economic Oligarchy,” and “All citizens, no subjects.”

Moroccan Protesters

Many of the demonstrators openly support the monarch—very very few call for his downfall.

There are two ways to look at this I suppose.

Either:
A) King Mohammed VI manipulated the public expertly, offering just enough reform to calm public anger, but escaped without having to make substantive changes to his position,
or
B) this is simply how peaceful change comes about.

Actually, I think it is both.

Power concedes nothing voluntarily.

The bureaucracy of changing the constitution might water down the impact of the change over time, but there is no going back.

King Mohamed saw how quickly calls in the Bahraini or Yemeni streets turned from “Reform! Reform!” to “Get ‘em out!”

When history writes the story of the Arab world’s modern awakening, Morocco might just emerge as the country that gradually liberalized and developed while everyone else was looking the other way.

Mr. Jega

Mr. Jega

by Conor Godfrey on April 19, 2011

Attahiru Jega

I had been waiting to write a blog about Attahiru Jega for quite some time, and over the last few days the international acclaim over Nigeria’s relatively free and relatively fair elections made it seem like I would have the chance!

As I write this, however, violence is escalating in the North where aggrieved Muslim supporters of losing candidate Muhammadu Buhari have taken to the streets alleging electoral fraud.

You know what—I am going to go out on a limb and say this unrest is transitory—this election was a success in the Nigerian context, and I want to celebrate one of the people that made it happen.

So back to the original story….

57 percent of Nigerians have asked for Goodluck Jonathan of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to stay for another four years!

This looks to be sufficient to avoid a runoff with General Muhammadu Buhari, but that will depend on the Electoral Commission’s investigations into vote rigging.

How can we trust the Electoral commission you ask?

Wasn’t the electoral commission a problem in that other North-South divided African country, Cote d’Ivoire was it?

Ah-ha: Enter the Miracle Maker.

Attahiru Jega

On June 8th Goodluck Jonathan asked Mr. Jega to leave his comfy academic life and make this Nigerian election different by heading up the head of the Nigerian National Election Commission.

At the time, the international community and Nigerian pundits were exerting tremendous pressure on the newly minted president to deliver credible elections, and appointing someone with Mr. Jega’s anti-corruption zeal was the only way to deliver on that promise.

Read Mr. Jega’s address to the nation when he accepted the office—good rhetoric at a minimum.

As soon as he took office, Me. Jega scrapped the ridiculous Nigerian voter registry and created a new one. He then instituted a voting system where voters check in locally to register on election day, and then stay there to observe the entire process right up until the results are posted.

That means a long hot day in the sun, but it is harder to stuff ballot boxes, and then publicly announce false results, when all the voters are milling outside the building.

So for the last two weeks, Nigerians have confidently and peacefully voted in peaceful, fair, parliamentary and presidential elections.

Let me say that one more time. During the last two weeks, Nigerians have voted in two sets of free and fair elections.

This is a big deal! If a country of 160 million people with intense, divisive social fractures can pull this off, then how can other African leaders claim that they do not need to be accountable to their people?

The system is still a bit ridiculous of course.

The ruling People’s Democratic Party is a platform-less ‘giant smoky back room’ where Nigerian elites gather to split up the pie.

But they actually lost ground in the parliamentary elections…how novel is that?

Over the last decade, Nigerian elections have been conducted by bringing duffel bags of cash into party caucuses for distribution to PDP power brokers.

I would encourage anyone to read the Nigeria chapter in Richard Dowden’s creatively titled book, Africa.

His anecdotes will make you realize what a success this election was.

Or, you can read this informative Q&A with Nigeria expert Peter Lewis.

I just checked the headlines again before publishing this piece…the violence is still getting worse in the North.

Still, I say it mostly blows itself out over the next week. I will write a blog eating my words next week if I’m wrong.
.

How Chewing on Fingernails Puts Rhinos on the Path to Extinction

How Chewing on Fingernails Puts Rhinos on the Path to Extinction

By Conor Godfrey on April 15, 2011

Rhino poaching makes me nauseous.

And it has already happened more than 80 times this year in South Africa alone.

It is also back in the news as the price per oz surpasses that of gold, and the infamous “Groenewald Gang “ comes back up for trial.

When people talk about the Guinean forest disappearing to make room for Cocoa farms—I’m upset, but I understand the calculus of the farmers doing the cutting.

When East African Farmers shoot elephants near their Watermelon farms, or Western U.S. ranchers shoot wolves near their cattle—I get it.

I am frustrated with the seeming inevitability of conflict between human development and species/habitat preservation, but I find it hard to really dislike the people killing animals they view as economically harmful pests.

Rhino poaching is an entirely different affair—this is organized crime.

Night-vision goggles, tranquilizers, helicopters, the whole nine yards.

The actual poachers are often unemployed South Africans and Mozambicans, but they are merely the tip of a multi-million dollar industry.

2010 was a brutal year.

333 Rhinos were killed in South Africa alone, including a number of critically endangered Black Rhinos.

In the first several months of 2011, 81 Rhinos and 9 poachers have already lost their lives.

In response to this dramatic uptick in poaching and violence, the South African government has brought in the heavies—as of April 1st South African military personnel have begun to take over security in South Africa’s famed Kruger National Park.

I tend to think protecting the supply will do little when a kilo of powered Rhino Horn goes for $35,850 on the black market.

More effort should be focused on curbing demand.

As recently as ten years ago the end-market for most illegal Rhino horn was Yemen, where artisans carved intricate jambiya dagger handles.

Studies suggest that Yemeni buyers can no longer compete with Chinese and Vietnamese traditional medicine markets where the vast majority of end users now purchase Rhino Horn and its derivatives.

However, we should all be more understanding; after all, Rhino Horn is the active ingredient in a number of highly effective treatments for cancer, high blood pressure, and impotency.

Wait—no it isn’t.

In fact, the purported medicinal properties of Rhino Horn have been tested over and over and the results are definitive—zip, zero, zilch.

Crushed up fingernails for what ails you
Rhino Horn is made of “agglutinated hair”—in other words—it is identical to finger nails. Here are links to a few studies for your perusal in case you find yourself reaching for the Rhino Horn powder before bed: Zoological Society of London, pharmacological study, Dr. Raj Amin.

The Chinese government does little to stop the misperceptions.

They even declared traditional Chinese Medicine as a strategic industry, and subsidized the industry to the tune of $130million.

Nauseating, I know.

Acoustic Africa

Acoustic Africa

By Conor Godfrey on April 14, 2011
Last week I rounded up a few friends and saw a tremendous concert put on by Acoustic Africa at George Washington University’s Lisner Auditorium.

Habib Koite

The show featured three African music powerhouses—Habib Koite, from Mali, whom I have written about before, Afel Bocoum also from Mali, and Oliver Mtukudzi (goes by “tuku”), from Zimbabwe.

These guys—expecially Koite and Tuku—are household names in their regions, and in some parts of Europe, but they often have to play dive bars or cultural centers for 10 bucks a ticket when they hit the U.S. (Language being the major issue for the Malians)

Last time I saw Habib Koite was in Philadelphia at a local arts council for $10. This most recent concert was a step up—they sold out a 400-500 person auditorium at $40-$50 a ticket.

And they were worth every bit of it. I swear there is something about Malian music that makes you remember what is important in life.

Listen to Afel Bocum play Gomni, a song popularized by his uncle Ali Farka Toure, and tell me that your mind doesn’t drift to a better place.

Afel Bocoum

When Afel came to the microphone to play this song he said—“Gomni means happiness in Songhai (language spoken in Northern Mali)…it is very difficult to be happy, even though there is so much to be happy about…so try and be happy for just this one song.”

Well said Afel.

I did not know much about Tuku before the concert, but he did not disappoint either.

The sound from Zim was much closer to the Congolese Rumba, popularized by icons like Papa Wemba, than it was to the guitar driven modern Malian music that often sounds like storytelling set to music.

Real experts on Southern African music claim Tuku has a style all to himself. See for yourself.

Oliver Mtukudzi
Tuku and his band also taught me a bit about the Zimbabwean thumb piano.

You would be surprised to hear the sound that comes out of this little guy.

If you combined a Malian Balafon (xylophone) with a gong, it would sound something like thumb piano.

Listen to someone jam on the thumb piano here.

My favorite song from Tuku was Neria, about the strength of a woman; for this he turned the lights down low, kicked the Malians off the stage, and poured a hell of a lot of soul into this ballad.

If you listen to one song I link to on this blog—make this it.

And last, but certainly not least—we get to le Maitre, Monsieur Habib Koite.

I have now seen Habib three times and he has never had an off night.

He and Afel jived very well with Tuku on stage, and everyone seemed to be enjoying some genuine pan-African good cheer while they swapped songs and made an effort to sing in each other’s languages (at least for the choruses).

Habib didn’t play too many of my old favorites this time around, but I did enjoy N’Teri, and a bunch of newer songs that I wasn’t familiar with. (I would recommend checking out the Album Afriki if you are looking to buy a Habib CD.)

Habib also just looks and acts the part.

His clothes are stylish takes on traditional gear, his speaks just enough English to make it clear that there is a lot going on inside his head, and he radiates positivity.

Oh—and my favorite part—they went for 2 hours and twenty minutes with no intermission. Lets see U.S. pop icons put in that kind of performance.

The last tour date I can find for Acoustic Africa is actually for this week: Apr 14th 2011, Clarksdale, MS USA.

They Got Him

They Got Him

By Conor Godfrey on April 12, 2011


And so it ends.

Some combination of French, U.N., and Ivorian forces loyal to President Ouattara captured Laurent Gbagbo in broad daylight at his residence.

The videos and pictures of the arrest show a broken man.

He looks a little better than Saddam did when they pulled him out of the spider hole, but not by much.

Does anyone remember the breakdown of the vote that began this long, murderous process?

In the first round, Gbagbo won a plurality of the votes with ~38% to Outtara’s ~32%.

In the second round, after promising a number of ministerial appointments to major ethnic groups cum political parties, Ouattara won the two-way runoff with ~54 percent of the vote, and this likely included small-scale instances of fraud or intimidation in Ouattara’s Northern strongholds.

Taken together, these two results suggest that 46-49% of the Ivorian population would have preferred that Gbagbo remain president.

Yikes—given the absence of significant political polling and a history of fraud and intimidation, you can see how easily pro-Gbagbo civilians would have felt cheated.

So now Allasane Ouattara will have the pleasure of ruling a country where almost 50% of the population was happy to see him imprisoned in an Abidjan hotel, his forces have been implicated in human rights abuses on their march South, and he is seen by many as a tool of French imperialism thanks to a small dose of truth and an extra large helping of pugnacious Gbagbo’s fear mongering in the weeks leading up to his arrest.

Some triumph…

In the words of Pyrrhus of Epirus—“Another such victory and [Ouattara] will be uttery ruined.”

I have a lot of admiration for the way Ouattara has handled the situation so far—he is making all the right noises about national reconciliation, investigating human rights abuses on both sides, and urging restraint among his partisans.

I also think he needs to quickly distance himself from Paris.

I was not wild about French forces being so deeply involved in Gbgagbo’s arrest. (The French claim they never entered the Presidential residence; Gbagbo’s people claimed it was the French soldiers that actually made the arrest.)

For several decades, the French propped up or toppled West African leaders at will, and whatever the rationale, it doesn’t take a master propagandist to make this look like neo-colonial meddling.

Tiken Jah Fakoly—a super-star Ivorian singer and frequent political commentator had this to say in an interview with Jeune Afrique—“Sarkozy shocked me by saying that Gbagbo and his wife were to leave office within three days. He made a serious error that led many intellectuals to support Laurent Gbagbo. Today’s generation cannot stand this kind of statement that reminds us of when the colonizer or the governor spoke to our parents”. (Find excerpts in English.)

I sympathize with Tiken’s comments, even though I think France’s motives were mostly humanitarian.

Perception is reality, and France should know better.

Ouattara was already battling the perception that he comes from Burkina Faso—the French aid will now add another layer of ‘outsiderness’ to his persona.

I can’t tell whether Ouattara’s prolonged battle has expended or generated political capital, but I certainly do not think he has enough at the moment to make Cote d’Ivoire a functioning, healthy state.

Not yet anyway.

The French can help him bomb Gbagbo into submission, but they sure can’t help him build a country.

Squeeze It Till It Collapses!

Squeeze It Till It Collapses!

America’s belt tightening vied with the Masters this weekend as the best reality TV show in the world. But now that the entertainment is over, does anyone have the slightest idea what catastrophic nonsense has just occurred?! One tiny example from Africa.

Here’s why I’m so incensed. One: We claim this is a budget battle. The D-Day, though, was the assault on abortion. Two: We claim this is a budget battle. The last week’s negotiation was over $5.3 billion. That’s less than .2% of the $3.2 trillion budget. Three: We claim this is a budget battle. The wars we’re operating are off-limits to discussion, which is about a third of the entire budget.

4,5,6,7, ad infinitum: We claim this is a budget battle.
As my investors have screamed at me for a half century: Raise Revenue!

1001,1002,1003,1004..: We claim this is a budget battle.
Econ 101: You’ve got to spend money to make money.

So now to the promised example in Africa, supplied by a young African wizard, Conor Godfrey, who will be taking over this blog as of tomorrow as I head back on safari.

America’s belt tightening has been going on for a while, and now The U.S. Commercial Service is pulling out of Ghana. This branch of the U.S. government has essentially made money for the U.S. government since its inception, finding really attractive capitalist projects around the world that U.S. companies can exploit.

Ghana’s projected 11-12% growth rate in 2011 obviously did not make the cut.

Writes Conor:
“This bothers me—a lot. How are we pulling out of some of the fastest growing countries in the world in an effort to save money? I have made the case in this space before that Africa offers some of the highest returns on investment in the world, has the most favorable demographics in the world over the next 30 years, and will boast 7/10 of the fastest growing economies in the world over the next decade.

“The National Export Initiative trumpeted by president Obama was supposed to help U.S. companies operate in places just like Ghana!

“We’re even closing down the Commercial Service office in Senegal, our only post in Francophone W. Africa (this is a well sourced rumor).”

Emerging African markets are one of the most rapidly growing consumer niches in the world. They need to buy a lot of stuff from us: agricultural machinery, pharmaceuticals, internet and communication technologies.

Sources inside the USG also told Conor that the Commerce Dept. will not open an office in Angola as had been planned. Cross another one of the fastest growing countries in the world off the list.

This is very shortsighted. The little bit of money this might save is guaranteed to reduce U.S. commercial sales in the short-term, as competitive companies especially from Europe and Asia beat America to the punch.

“I am not some neo-colonial war monger,” Conor explains. “I don’t think the U.S. needs to be commercially colonizing Africa before the scary Chinese get there. I just think that many (not all) African countries are at a point in their development curve where they can participate meaningfully in international commerce, without being relegated to mere consumers of manufactured goods and exporters of raw materials. I want the U.S. to be a real partner for this new Africa—both the continent and the U.S. will reap substantial benefits.”

“This entire episode must be embarrassing for a president that landed in Accra with such fanfare near the beginning of his presidency, claiming to want a new relationship with Africa. Read the full speech here. I would like to think that I am not just one of the many special interest groups that believes their little corner of the budget is the one that really matters. In this case, I swear the numbers speak for themselves.

“Read this essay by the President of the Corporate Council on Africa on the shortsightedness of the government’s cuts.

“Ghana—really?! Who in the U.S. missed that memo about oil, and 12% growth?” Conor asks.

I know who missed it.

The Dark Side of Ecotourism

The Dark Side of Ecotourism

As indigenous people benefit from development, the majority of ecotourism projects are revealed as shams. This is because the local people get smart enough to call a spade, a spade.

I regret I can’t show you verbatim many of the emails I received — offsite — about yesterday’s blog. And I won’t violate confidences other than to say much of the world agrees with me, and by the way, that’s not really news.

But while yesterday was mostly just an appraisal of what today’s ruthless market is doing to ecotourism, there was this incessant desire by many of you to figure out a good way to resuscitate “ecotourism.” Shouldn’t we be doing everything possible to keep it alive? Hasn’t it been good? Even if the market doesn’t like it, isn’t it worth nurturing somehow?

No. While the concept of ecotourism might be lofty, it always had a darker side.

One of the greatest banner failures of the United Nations was its 2002 Year of Ecotourism. As part of that event, the UN funded the first ever world ecotourism conference in May in Quebec City. There were 500 delegates from 84 countries.

It was a contentious and raucous convention. One of the observers at the conference, a group representing the interests of the Akha Peoples of Asia, spoke for the vast majority of indigenous delegates. AKHA reported that “Ecotourism had just opened the doors to more destruction of natural resources and ecosystems; community life in affected areas was seriously disrupted; and in some cases, Indigenous Peoples were forced out of their traditional lands.”

The conference was not what the promoters had hoped it would be. There was not a sunny picture of protagonists standing before a tree that was saved by KUONI. Instead, there was incredible rancor as the more developed of the developing peoples of the world stepped to the podium one by one to denounce “Ecotourism.”

The final report was damning.

Although gauged in diplomatic language, the outcry from the developed world was too much to ignore. The report slammed African governments in particular for failing to adequately educate and otherwise make aware the exploitation of foreign tourism companies.

“Particular mention was made of commoditisation in tourism in [Africa],” the report boldly exclaimed in opening chapters. Ecotourism had promoted the “degradation of the intrinsic value of cultural items, beliefs, goods, and practices…”

“This trivialisation of culture is demonstrated by the sale of culturally related trinkets,” the report goes on, without the benefit of the creator of the trinket getting a fair price, much less for the payment of a lodge night to stay in the wilderness.

Report after report outlined situations where local people were simply not getting their fair share: That they were “being used” for profitable enterprises whose profits were not being fairly shared with them.

This is the crux of the issue, even today. Why should any of the profits of an ecotourism lodge in Africa end up in the United States? Are there any Africans who are adding to their bank accounts by the proceeds from Canyon Ranch in Arizona?

That conference ended as quickly as the promoters could do so. Not much has followed, although a very important change was manifest. UN agencies by 2003 dropped their former use of the term, “Ecotourism” and replaced it with today’s popular, “Sustainable Tourism.”

This was a crucial admission that ecology was not as important as sustainability. And frankly, I must agree with the important caveat that the two may be miserably intertwined.

To me the final blow to any hope of making ecotourism a viable concept came at the World Parks Congress (WPC), in Durban, South Africa, in September 2003. Conservation International and UNEP introduced their jointly produced study, “Tourism and Biodiversity: Mapping Tourism’s Global Footprint” which essentially concluded that tourism, and ecotourism in all its form in particular, was an “extreme threat” to biodiversity.

We came full circle in just a few years. Unregulated capitalism provided by the developed world to preserve the developing world’s wilderness, jelly coated as “ecotourism,” was now the very thing that threatened that wilderness.

The issue is complicated and global, so I appeal to you not to take from this blog the presumption that I think every project which calls itself ecotourism is bad and counterproductive. But I do believe that the majority if not the vast majority of so-called ecotourism projects are bad and counterproductive.

And almost exclusively so because the profits are not fairly shared. And as the peoples receiving those unfairly small profits used them to educate themselves, to research their situation, they began to realize that while their wilderness might not be being exploited, they were.

Remedies have begun by a lot of good companies. Many “ecofriendly” projects have started to share profits better. But this has made them more and more expensive and less and less attractive to the market.

The market, like capitalism, is cruel. And this is yesterday’s blog. The great ax in ecotourism: it won’t sell.

Ecotourism is Dead

Ecotourism is Dead

Ecotourism is dead. From the President of Tanzania, to the much more critical tourism market itself, feather beds and five gallons to flush a toilet have subsumed efficiency and sustainability. Requiescat in pace.

“Community Based Tourism Projects,” “Fair Trade,” “Shared Value Pricing,” and a ton of other phrases to champion a capitalist market in control of its morals, today those lovely little properties and projects are disappearing downwards faster than loose jeans on teen hips.

It all began when the king tried to pretend he really really cared about the slave weeding his rose garden. And it was challenged when the consumer got fed up with allocating her hard won vacation to another cause. And it was finished when the world global crisis left only the rich in the leisure travel market.

Mombo Camp, Singita Lodge, and Bilila Kempinski, are just a few examples of what works, today, in African tourism, and they are anything but ecofriendly.

I can’t think of a single successful ecotourism property that has been built anywhere in Africa in the last five years, and most that were built prior to that are on the skids. Newly built properties, and the ones that are roaringly successful today are all spas and castles. And there are several reasons why this makes good business.

The foremost is that the mid- and down- travel leisure markets are rapidly shrinking, and by necessity, becoming more and more efficient in delivering their core product: vacations. Any type of exotic or what we used to call “adventure” travel is under heightened pressure just because of how hard it is to get to them and then use them, and these (especially in Africa) were the pillars of ecotourism.

The lower market tiers shrank as all travel shrank in the massive economic downturn, but they never recovered, as the upmarket did. There’s a lot of speculation as to why this is true and if it will ever return, but right now, it’s fact. The midmarket is AWOL.

And there’s another very important reason specific to Africa.

African wilderness is under siege. By development forces like mining and urban development.

Take forests, for example. In Kenya the loss of forests has so drastically impacted in real time the potable water of urban Kenyans that recently a sizable majority of voting Kenyans supported a pretty draconian move by the government to forcibly relocate nearly 40,000 people.

Take elephants. Concerted action by world conservationists to save the elephants began in the mid 1980s. It is a success story without a rival. Not only was a catastrophic slaughter stopped, but wildlife management efforts helped accelerate the recovery.

But to what avail, from the point of view of a young African trying to make a success in the world? To the avail that his farm is being mauled, that his county roads are being destroyed and that his children on a weekend country holiday are in danger?

Take the Serengeti highway, which is just one of many industrial projects currently being plowed through previous grand reserves in order to facilitate rapidly developing industry.

And take the relaxation of environmental standards, which kept the wildernesses healthy. This week Tanzania President Kikwete ridiculed the environmental community for trying to delay mining a 300 million ton soda ash deposit which lies adjacent the Serengeti and will likely at the very least destroy the flamingo populations living on Lake Natron.

“We cannot continue to mourn about our country being poor while our minerals are lying untapped and [while] … our neighbours, Kenya, are doing the same on the other side of the lake,” he said.

Which is true, and is the reason that the Kenyan side has no birds or animals.

“At times I wonder whether those who are opposing this move are really patriotic, because it seems as if they are agents of some people we don’t know,” Kikwete said. Bulls eye.

So with a shrinking wilderness and a shrinking market for it, what to do?

Build Up. As high and expensive as you can get. Be damned the resources consumed to build Versailles! Onwards and upwards! Four Posters! Plunge Pools! Solar Cosmetics!

The upmarket has by definition been primarily interested in comfort and style rather than context. It matters, but less with the upmarket, if the Serengeti road will disrupt the great wildebeest migration. So long as there is still a feather bed at the end of track that has a wildebeest or two, it will be just fine.

Bilila Lodge in the Serengeti is not so dissimilar to an Aman Resort Indonesia or a Canyon Ranch in Arizona. Bilila is a Kempinski property, one of the oldest, most successful European grand hotel chains that exists.

I just stayed at Bilila Kempinski and was truly astounded. The lodge is very remote and made even more so by a single access road that is 35 kilometers long. That’s one impressive driveway.

The public areas resemble any wonderful western spa or upmarket golf lodge, for example, with stylish architecture, spiraling staircases, giant lounge chairs, and lots of glass. The infinity pool is spectacular. Individual rooms are magnificent and huge with tasteful accouterments and the highest quality furniture.

But here’s what really got me: wifi worked better than in any upmarket hotel or lodge I’ve stayed at anywhere, in Nairobi or Dar. The wide-screen TVs had a whole arm’s length of channels, not the 7 or 8 limited ones found in Intercontinentals and Fairmonts in Africa.

Hot water was hot and always so. The air-conditioner not only worked, but well and softly, even when it shouldn’t have (when it was cool out). The telephone by the bed could ring my wife a half world away quicker than reverse when I was in any office in Africa.

The a la carte menus seemed right out of lower Manhattan, and the food was just as good. The boutique didn’t mess around with wood server spoons, but rather trendy canvas art whose price tags usually started at five figures.

Ecotourism is dead, because … it didn’t work. It relied on the generous spirit of middle class travelers willing to donote a little bit of their vacation to a better world order.

What an absolutely laughable idea, today.

Hail To The Instigators Valiant!!

Hail To The Instigators Valiant!!

Nairobi Pep Rally, but they aren't headed to a basketball game!
Loyal, middle-of-the-road Chinese and good ole Americans heartily agree on the doctrine of noninterference in local affairs. How passe. Listen instead to the New Kenyans.

Yesterday in Kenya pep rallies resembling a Final Four sendoff were being held all over the country. There were bands (marching, although not intended to have been), poms poms (well, bunched up flags), cheers (in Kikuyu, Luo and Kalenjin) and lots of camera flashes from lots and lots of enthusiastic supporters.

Is the World Cup still on? Did a Kenyan outshoot Tiger? Did Michael Jordan come out of retirement?

No, no, no no. This is the start of a murder trial.

And the day ended with four prominent Kenyans boarding an international flight to Europe and they were not headed to a basketball court. They were going to a different kind of a court. Criminal.

Six of what had been Kenya’s most powerful men alive are answering summons by the International Court at the Hague that they organized the widespread violence that followed the 2007 elections which left more than 1300 people dead and 150,000 displaced. If found guilty, they could be imprisoned for 25 years.

That could seriously disrupt their campaigns for national office next year.

These are not political underlings. They include the son of the founder of the country, the former head of the national police, the former head of the civil service, the attorney general and a former vice president.

Why are clever politicians submitting to a process that could ruin their lives, that is orchestrated from abroad?

In fairness to the complexities of Kenya, the answer is more complicated than just “it’s the will of the people.” But in fact, it is the will of the (Kenyan) people and in large part because New Kenyans understand that they are inexorably linked to the greater world order. If they want to impact this order, they also have to submit to it.

The United States and China are two of the few countries in the world that do not recognize the International Court. Kenya, and all progressive countries, do.

A poll released yesterday by Synovate showed a whopping 61% of all Kenyans wanted the accused to stand trial at The Hague.

This is the culmination of a very long process that began more than two years ago. The agreement managed by Kofi Annan that ended the violence following the 2007 elections mandated bringing to justice those determined responsible for it. Kenya had a certain time limit to fashion courts internally to do so, and if unable to do so (as proved the case), the International Court was summoned to do so, instead.

Parliament went back and forth on numerous ocassions trying to set up an internal court, but was unable to do so. In part this was because there was no single ethnic group apparently more culpable than another. They were all involved. It was a sort of melting down pot after the 2007 election. Three or four or five ethnic groups were all fighting each other.

Kenyans as a whole (especially the youth) are emerging above their enthnicities and really thinking of themselves as New Kenyans. They want these old rivalies ended. And clearly, they want them ended in line with a World Order evinced at least in part by the World Court.

Hurrahs for Kenya, once again. And anybody up for starting a movement to try someone responsible for creating the myth of WMD?